The Place of Corporate Identity in Mass Media and Communication Theory
Hans-Jörg Trenz, Maximilian Conrad and Guri Rosén in their study The Interpretative Moment of European Journalism asked for political journalists whether they play an active role in shaping public preferences and opinion on European integration or no distinguishing between the critical and the representative function of media opinion-making.  They pointed out that media research is misses "one central point of research: media are not simply an amplifying mechanism of European news-making; media is also an independent actor who is deeply engaged in ‘making European news’." European media are characterized as "an independent and self-referential organisational system that does not replicate the system logics of the EU, but that strives instead for autonomy in terms of selecting, re-interpreting and evaluating political news."[1] Our study focuses on this point from a linguistic perspective. Our theoretical background is the assumption that journalism produces besides established genres and forms of writing journalistic writings as specific product indicating its source with qualitative features that characterize the product as a branded contribution distinguishable from other producers on news. Such a brand is a result of its cultural traditions; it is not the result of a PR campaign or a style guideline, but reflects cultural assets. It is a unique perspective. With the term ‘brand’ we emphasize that journalism is a part of an economic market. The term ‘corporate identity’ is mainly employed in marketing communication in order to present a corporation with its common features to the public. In 2004 Holt in How Brands Become Icons. The Principles of Cultural Branding coined the term ‘cultural branding’ for marketing.[2] Canadian communication scholars reflect this position from a critical distance and holistic perspective. Historically, we can trace the phenomenon of changes in mass media in communication theory back to McLuhan’s concept of the ‘medium as message’. In other words: Specific meanings are transferred to the audience in accordance with features of the medium itself or primarily the medium’s qualities are transmitted. The production of meanings in texts for the mass media allows multiple kinds of reading; it is a rhetorical act of the writer. In other words: More than one meaning is communicated in such a media language’ which argues via topics as superstructure with concrete keywords of values used in the text. With our example we will demonstrate these processes. In the interview Communication in Evolution: Social and Technological Transformation Derrick de Kerckhove, director of the McLuhan Program, said: “The fundamental issue is whether electricity, like alphabetic literacy favours privacy or eliminates it. McLuhan had perceived this problem head-on. He believed that electricity would reveal everything hidden and wipe out private identity like a tidal wave. […] I believe that the politics and the psychology of private identity were entirely built on the fact that, thanks to the unambiguous representation of spoken language provided by the phonetic alphabet […] Western humans became individuals at great cost of life and limb during the religious wars that followed the Reformation, itself a result of the spread of books by Gutenberg’s invention.  However, it is predictable that this model of humanity would suffer a setback under new electronic conditions that affect time, space and selfhood.”[3]  In accordance with McLuhan we can assume that  

1.   Cold and hot media exist
2.   Branding in the internet as a cold medium is hard, and
3.   Electrical media are extensions of bodily functions and have enhanced
      and externalized our entire central nervous systems.

As a cool medium, the text of the internet would have other effects than the printed text: Asked if the web is hot or cool, McLuhan answered: “The Web is cool. Cooler than television, which is much cooler than print. So much participation is required on the Web that no coherent, convincing, sharply defined characters can be created without slipping into comedy or conspiratorial paranoia. […]. Success in a cool medium takes one of two forms. You either are a moment of supreme wit - popular but transitory - or you become part of the landscape. To become a feature of the landscape is very difficult in a cool medium. Your brand must always be present in the back of the user's mind. Everything they see, no matter how unrelated, should give them "memories of you."”[4] In the case of online mass media the brand Spiegel is clearly visible: Graphic interface and design are almost identical with the print version. But our research focuses on the linguistic disposition of the text. In the following section we will describe our method of approach. 

The Style and Text Type of the News
Since print journalism relies on the written word, we chose the linguistic approach using an analysis of the speech in a sample article from Germany about an U.S. American topic. Speech here should be understood as the medium of rhetorical argumentation, not as act or result of speaking. We will analyze inherent assumptions of the article that form the structure of the discourse in the examination of the article. In other words: We reconstruct the missing links between the event of the news and perspective of the journalistic text.

Classical elements of language in journalism are the status questions (Who/What/Where/When/Why/How) for hard news we can trace back to the categories of status in rhetorical theory. Writing in journalism underlies several internal principles of the text that can be categorized by linguistic and rhetorical principles of its language. Before we show our implementation of journalistic writings into text typology, we will mention two alternative concepts: As basic concept for a theory of journalism Cline used the noeic field theory depicting what can be known. Cline assumes that "at any given time there is a dominant noetic field and, therefore, a dominant rhetoric". According to Cline, alternative rhetoric "fights for dominance on the margins of the culture. These alternative noetic fields also map to changes in writing instruction and journalism."[5]White in his thesis Telling Media Tales: The News Story as Rhetoric (1998) explored the rhetorical properties of the modern news report presenting the argument that “linear, syntagmatic models of text structure of the type developed previously for analysis of, for example, the narrative are unable to account for the functionality of these news reports. An alternative ‘orbital’ model of textuality is presented by which relationships of specification are seen to operate between a central textual nucleus and dependent satellites.”[6] Journalism has many features similar to rhetoric. In the job skills of the journalist we find similarities to the officia of the rhetor: Researching and documenting (inventio, invention), organizing and planning (dispositio, disposition), formulating and editing (elocutio, elocution), presenting (actio, performance). Our text type model relies on the compability of rhetorical topology with text types and journalistic applied text production. Text types are used as means to differentiate between basic functions of texts. Genres are related to a specific medium' for example literary or visual genres exist. Text types can be differentiated and attributed to news as follows:  

    
Text Types and Categories of Journalism

A comprehensive review of concepts and discussion about text types and genres was made by Lee.[7]The questions used in journalism to describe the event are: Who? What? Where? When? Why? How?   This set of questions can be traced back to the doctrine of stasis and the topoi used to find arguments in the ancient rhetorical system.

This set of questions can be traced back to the doctrine of stasis in the ancient rhetorical system. Also the Laswell-formula derived from it. In journalism the questions are the smallest descriptive units for the news.  A journalistic text can contain descriptive, narrative, and argumentative parts. Traditionally, text type studies make correlations between functions of text types and the literary form like in the following selection for journalism:

Forms of Journalism and Functions

Besides this classical schema of exclusive text type structures we must assume that descriptive, narrative, argumentative, and in some cases even expositional elements exist side by side in one text corpus in journalism. We access the linguistic structure of the article in Der Spiegel asking for its terminological disposition. We will analyze the concepts and concept structures used here identifying the terms assigned to the concepts.

The Contents Analysis of the Article

Published January 30, 2008 in the SPIEGEL ONLINE International edition, the article The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign written by Gabor Steingart from Washington was originally written in German and translated to English. The Der Spiegel article uses in the following passage essayistic writing and cultural background information mixing narrative and argumentative text parts. The article reflects traditional U.S.-American values in order to ironify them comparing them to the contemporary events. The text argues after a thesis in the first paragraph. The text states in the first paragraph that change means a change that would change fundamentals of the USA:

"Change" is the buzzword in the US election campaign. Hoping to emulate Barack Obama's popular success, candidates from both parties are suddenly jumping on the change bandwagon. But some of the things they want to change are in fact sacrosanct -- like the Constitution.[8]

The diversity of the persons running for president is emphasized:

In the US presidential race, it seems the only constant is change.
At first sight, the candidates in this year's presidential primaries couldn't be more different: a Vietnam veteran, a former first lady, a Baptist preacher, a business executive, a wealthy trial lawyer championing the poor and an African-American senator from Illinois.[9]

The text here allows a reading with multiple meanings:

"What a selection!" some might exclaim enthusiastically. Truly, democracy at its best! What else could you want?[10]

After emphasizing the diversity of the candidates, the article now describes the unity of the candidates ironifying the American value of ‘unity and diversity’:
But the differences aren't as great as they seem, and because of this lack of diversity in their views, the candidates are trying to outdo one another in a contest to determine who is the most willing to bring about real change. "Change" is the buzzword of the season. Suddenly everyone wants to change everything, especially the way politics is conducted today.
But this is a debate that thrives on three myths, which, despite their extraordinary popularity, will remain myths. The first is a bogeyman which everyone shares and which appears to be more hated than Islamist terrorists, greedy corporations and the pig-headed current president, George W. Bush. The new cross-party enemy is called Washington.[11]

In the next two paragraphs the antithetical positions regarding the quality of the capital Washington from the U.S.-American perspective and the international perspective are discussed. Also in the next text the article uses U.S.-American expressions transferred to the situation during the election process. In the next paragraph the capital Washington is described as a ‘public enemy’:

In this election campaign, Washington, D.C. has become the new public enemy number one. In the public eye, the letters D.C. might as well stand for Devil City rather than District of Columbia. To get the attention of voters, all a candidate has to say is: "Washington is fundamentally broken and incapable of dealing with the challenges we have."[12]

Washington is now described according to international and global qualities:

Status Quo and Rebellion
Paradoxically, Washington is the most vital capital city in the West today, not withstanding its incompetent leadership in recent years. There is not a single capital in the entire world that operates so precisely, almost like clockwork -- and where the polar opposite of everything the current administration does is reflected in the ideas and words being expressed across the street -- literally -- from the seat of power. […] Washington always embodies both the status quo and rebellion. It is a city in which reality and the dream of overcoming reality share a king-sized bed. If there is any place in the world where the word "change" has a home, then it has to be Washington, D.C.[13]

Lobbyism is a topic in the next paragraph:

The second myth that the candidates like to toss around on an almost daily basis is that America has fallen into the hands of lobbyists. Democratic contender John Edwards was the first to talk about what he called the "special interest pack." Now, because Edwards' stance seemed to go across well, everyone has taken up his rallying cry. The lobbyist is the scapegoat of this election campaign.[14]

The contrasts to former presidents and their relation to lobbyists follow as anecdotes in the next paragraph:

About 140 years ago, in the days of President Ulysses S. Grant, unpopular petitioners could apparently be found congregating in the lobby of the Willard Hotel, just a few blocks from the White House. They would stand there for hours on end, hoping that the president would stop by the hotel for a nightcap, as he often did. Grant was said to have disparagingly referred to the people who routinely accosted him in the lobby as "lobbyists."[15]

The text relies on the German cultural understanding: The concept of democracy is analyzed regarding the idea of the public society and its enemy, a construction made by Habermas highly referenced in the U.S. The phrase of the ‘public enemy’ matches this idea and U.S. politics dividing into ‘friend’ and ‘enemy’. A revue on lobbyism in the U.S. emphasizes the changes and the pyramidal structure of the chain of command in the U.S.

Their reputation hasn't changed much to this day, except that women have joined their ranks and they often have large offices and staffs. They attempt to advise and influence -- and sometimes even trick -- the administration.

What Would They Do about Iran? The government, for its part, is also interested in what lobbyists have to say. It's impossible for the president of a country of more than 300 million people to sit down with each individual farmer to discuss his concerns; instead, he can ask the chairman of the farmers' association for his views. Individual companies, for their part, cannot send their representatives to the West Wing of the White House; instead, they send the head of their chamber of commerce and industry to meet with the president.[16]

A comparison between the last two presidents of the U.S. follows:

But governing is the administration's job. The differences between the 42nd and 43rd presidents of the United States, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, are a case in point. The middle class benefited under Clinton, but under Bush it has suffered financially. Clinton dispatched former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright out into the world. Bush sends General David Petraeus.[17]

A U.S.-American cultural value is the belief in the Constitution. As the last of the three myths the topic ‘the U.S. as a nation’ is discussed and mentioned as a slogan of the election campaigns. The slogan appears trivial:

The third myth is the most dangerous of them all, because it shakes the very foundations of the United States Constitution. Critics across party lines claim that America is a divided nation, whipped up into a frenzy by both parties, which they insist are only capable of thinking in terms of friends and foes. All of the current candidates promise to put an end to the current atmosphere of polarization and forge a great consensus. "We are one nation," says Obama. So does Mitt Romney. And so does everyone else.[18]

In the next paragraph the control system of the U.S. as a part of their democracy is emphasized:

But this system of dialogue, of checks and balances, is precisely what the framers of the Constitution intended. It is arduous and often nerve-wracking, but it works.[19]

Characteristic for the terminology of the article is that it labels and designates a concept from several subject fields of human activity: The event is revised according to the U.S.-American history. Correspondences between terms of the German language and the translated text are obvious, since cultural concepts are transferred. The text here allows a reading with multiple meanings: The U.S. system appears on the one hand as a democracy, on the other hand the U.S. politics are described as a system run by a chain of command and control and hierarchical structures in-between the public discussion and different opinions.

One party keeps the other party in check. Sometimes the House of Representatives opposes the Senate, or both pounce -- when needed -- on the man in the White House. This is the way it works -- and it's the way it is supposed to work.[20]

A comparison between the dual system in the U.S. and an absurd supermarket management follows:

Citizens would be well-advised to demand disagreement and harsh words. The parties must remain partisan if voters are to have a real choice. In the country ruled by consensus that the candidates are now touting, voters would end up feeling like the shoppers in the imaginary supermarket with its combined meat-and-produce department: Vegetarians and meat-eaters would be equally unhappy.[21]

The article closes with a review regarding democracy as a result of hierocracy in the U.S. taking the example of Thomas Jefferson:

Putting up with contradictions is probably a necessary part of the Washington system. After all, the American capital has never been entirely free of hypocrisy.

Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence and the third president of the United States, was an early example of that hypocrisy. He opposed slavery politically, and yet he owned slaves himself. And, as DNA tests have now demonstrated, he fathered at least one child with his housekeeper, Sally Hemmings.[22]

This last paragraph is related to ethics of politics. It applies standards of ethics represented in the U.S. to the contemporary situation and compares historical cases with the present situation. Here the article is clearly essayistic and follows guidelines of the feature. The whole structure of the article is constructed with antithetical comparisons of U.S. values and contemporary situations. This narrative and arguing structure creates a basic feature of the article: Its effectiveness both as a commentary and report. Most of the terms used are parts of an ad hoc-built terminology, which employs a single term or a limited number of terms. The terms produce a specific meaning when applied and used to the systematic terminology of politics. This as hoc terminology is a commentary per se. Examples are metaphors and expressions like candidates from both parties are suddenly jumping on the change bandwagon. They indicate that the concept of change here is a rhetorical one. Systematic terminology, which deals with terms of the specific subject field politics, is employed all over the article. It is a part of the delivered information. As political journalism the article stands in the tradition of the political speech among the three genres of speech. The implementation of rhetorical figures such as comparisons as figures of the sentence and metaphors and other tropes can be explained tracing back this historical argumentative structure of the text.

Results:  The Event in the Context of Language and Culture  

Our major claim regarding the traditional text typology is that a text using an argumentation is not a text matching the prevailing separation of text into descriptive hard news, narrative soft news, and argumentative opinion writing. It uses elements of all text types. After the examination we can claim that contrasts, antithetical and dual constructions, and comparisons are not only formal style elements, but characterize the style of the argumentation. Other results we can summarize as follows:

1. The article has a self-referencing effect to implicit standards and values containing answers to questions of values not open ask. Since these values are chosen from the journalistic subject, the article also uses as references values of the topic it is related to. The interplay between the ideal set of values and reality described forms the discourse and the argumentation of the article. 

2. Standard qualifications and the separation between hard news and soft news used in U.S.-American academic studies and professional journalism do not sufficiently cover European journalism and its cultural tradition. 

3. Broadly approaching the subject, we can distinguish between a journalistic culture of evidence and a culture of commentary and critical reflection. A close interplay as described above results in the effect of `mirrowing` reality.  

4. The language of reflective journalism encodes values derived from the subject. They serve as topoi for the argumentative style. An argumentation in the classical rhetorical understanding is not applied. 

The language of Der Spiegel is branded due to its mirrowing techniques of antithetical concepts. It requires background knowledge beyond the knowledge of the actual event presented in hard news. The news itself is marginalized to the level of anecdotes implemented into the text to give it the appearance of news. The argumentative structure of the text can to be traced back to cultural prepositions in the text. Thus, the language of this news outlet becomes branded in the sense that it has a unique style, interest, and audience as well as a background of values applied in the discourse. The corporate identity of such a mass media product relies on its implemented values. In marketing, a corporate identity is the 'persona' of a corporation, which is designed to accord with and facilitate the attainment of business objectives.

The language encodes specific meanings only accessible to the German reader from a German linguistic perspective. This phenomenon we can demonstrate by the idiomatic phrase of the enemy of the state the text uses Washington, the political center of the state. The language encodes internationally used meanings like lobby tracing back the origin to the U.S. history. This practice we can demonstrate by the use of specific keywords. The language uses specific prepositions that are assumed to be given as fact. The branded language of the mass media outlet refers to itself. Specifica of the branded language of Der Spiegel are essayistic and reflective elements. Comparisons lead to a politically critical language. Irony is one of the stylistic patterns that can be found in the whole text. Ironical distance to the subject it discusses is expressed in the comparisons. The text uses a high amount of foreign words and technical terms. This is a common feature of writing commentaries in German journalism derived from academic traditions of social science. The terminology consists of words and compound words that are used in specific contexts. News style requires a particular prose style used for news reporting. News style encompasses a vocabulary and sentence structure matching the needs of mass media. While journalistic prose is explicit and precise, and tries not to rely on jargon, the journalistic writing here is complicated implementing meanings, reflections, and an argumentation going beyond the level of hard news. The text of Der Spiegel offers anecdotes, examples, and metaphors for its comparisons. While journalistic writing in general relies on facts and avoids taking part in abstract ideas, the article in Der Spiegel is part of an abstract concept reflected in its terminology. Serving as a commentary, the Spiegel article can be distinguished from the feature article. As a linguistic exercise, the commentary can be traced back to the commentators and writers of glossaries for literary documents in Hellenism. Our text is an example for the European journalism, which cannot reduced to a simple text type classification dominating the U.S. separation between hard news, soft news, and opinion writing. Similarly, in the research project Reporting at the Boundaries of the Public Sphere. Form, Style and Strategy of European Journalism, 1880-2005 Broersma emphasized the difference between the continental 'reflective style' and the ‘Anglo-American news style’: “During the twentieth century journalism developed from a mainly partisan institution into an independent profession which emphasized its task as the fourth branch of government. I suggest that this ideological transformation of journalism expressed itself in stylistic changes and the ‘invention’ of new journalistic forms. The continental reflective style lost ground to the Anglo-American news style. This style aimed to blur the boundaries of the public sphere to reach a more autonomous position in society and to fulfil consumers’ needs as well.”[23]

While for mass media product due to ethical standards direct branding cannot be perform using trademarks and logos, the linguistic disposition of the text refers indirectly to the roots. The meta-language of the article going beyond the traditional fact driven journalism is the marking part of the text we can trace back to the corporate identity on the German culture and its philosophical ideology. On the contrary, based upon this ideology the article argues regarding other values from different sources. Among them are the American values such as 'Unity and Diversity'. 'One Nation', and 'Globalization'. The article puts the German values in an international context along with other values from different sources. The German principles of journalism from an idealistic standpoint are for example to be distinguished from the principles of British journalism emphasizing authenticity and evidence. The British journalism has developed a culture of evidence and empirism.  Like in a business corporation, the corporate identity exists, since there is an organizational philosophy with a distinct corporate culture. he philosophy of the corporate personality is not expressis verbis mentioned in the texts. It can be traced back to German philosophy and contemporary discussions. Features of the corporate identity of the German culture are reflected in the text as topics and background for the argumentative structure. From here the text developed the argumentation arguing with contrasts and antithetical comparisons in a dialectical tradition. The high amount of terminology derived from this background distinguishes the German mass media text from other products of the mass media. Of course the intention here is also strategically persuasion of the audience using the corporate personality of the 'German' as a ground for the argumentation that develops contrasts of 'the German' and other national and international values. So the article presents finally to the public a corporate identity using the event of the news for a contrast between nations. The philosophy of the corporate identity was produced after World War II in Germany by intellectuals reflecting the recent German history in critical approaches.  The implementation of ethical standards in journalism is regarding the European journalism bound to the philosophical and academic traditions of schools active in social fields. For journalism going beyond the hart news, this is an influential tradition of the identity of European journalism. The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) of the International Federation of Journalists released a statement of the European Works Council stating: “The struggle to deal with the downside of globalization is a challenge to journalists unions everywhere. […] In Europe, the story is the same, but here there are different and distinct characteristics of the struggle. In the post-war period Europe embraced a set of market values that defined a particular model of democracy, based upon social and cultural imperatives.”[24]

Events can be described by different institutions and in different formats in the news. The event ‘U.S. Election 2008’ in the Spiegel Online article is discussed in a mass medium with defined specific genres and formats. The philosophical reflection on events in the mass media is a European tradition of the mass media based upon the close relation between journalism and academic studies in specific sciences, especially the political sciences, Critical Theory, philosophy, and mass media researchers. From this position, a specific perspective on the event is expressed in a specific terminology, which is partly or in a minimalized form, part of the news in a journalistic outlet. In this European tradition, Derrida divided into philosophical discourse and media discourse in an interview about the reactions on an event as expressed in the following interview on the event September 11:

Such an "event" surely calls for a philosophical response. Better, a response that calls into question, at their most fundamental level, the most deep-seated conceptual presuppositions in philosophical discourse. The concepts with which this "event" has most often been described, named, categorized, are the products of a "dogmatic slumber" from which only a new philosophical reflection can awaken us, a reflection on philosophy, most notably on political philosophy and its heritage. The prevailing discourse, that of the media and of the official rhetoric, relies too readily on received concepts like "war" or "terrorism" (national or international).[25]

The idealistic values attributed to journalism were also a criterion for arguing against the quality of the journal. Der Spiegel, founded in 1947, is one of the most read weekly news magazines in Germany. In 1956/57 the German intellectual Hans Magnus Enzensberger wrote a critical analysis of the language of the mirror. Enzensberger criticized a lack of criticism and missing orientation and anti-democratic.[26] Habermas in 2004 stated that there is a distinct difference between Anti-Americanism and criticizing U.S.-American politics: “But we will be able to cope with that mixture, which you so rightly described, if the legitimate job of criticizing Bush’s fatal vision of a world order can succeed in keeping itself convincingly free of every admixture of anti-Americanism. As soon as the other America once again assumes discernible contours, it will also pull the ground out from under that anti-Americanism which serves only as a cover for anti-Semitism”.[27] Since the 90s Deutsche Leitkultur (German Leitkultur,’ principal culture’) is a buzzword in German debates focusing on values and principles related to Germany to set contrasts to other cultures introduced in 1998 by the German-Arab sociologist Bassam Tibi. From a global perspective with buzzwords like Globalization and sets of values of other cultures, this term was created as serves as a concept for debates implementing the idea of a German Leitkultur. Corporate identity has become a universal technique for promoting companies and improving corporate culture. This corporate writing constructs different identities in different contexts (ethic, culture, politics). On its website SPIEGEL OLINE International declares that Der Spiegel is Europe's leading newsmagazine and Spiegel Online is the most-visited news site in Germany. The branding is described as follows: "Spiegel International brings this unique European perspective to the English-speaking world. You can read our features here every weekday or you can order them to go by subscribing to our free daily e-mail newsletter."[28] As a sociological strategy we can interpret this German corporate identity as expressed in the Spiegel article as an effect of the 'global society' and international culture and the interest of a national participating minority to express and communicate in means of a 'corporate identity' with similar cultural values and a distinct perspective on the events presented in the media with a shared perceptions of reality.

Endnoten

1 Trenz, Hans-Jörg; Conrad, Maximilian; Rosén, Guri. The Interpretative Moment of European Journalism. The Impact of Newspaper Opinion Making in the Ratification Process. RECON Online Working Paper 2007/11. RECON Online Working Paper Series. November 2007. 26 March 2008.
<Http://www.reconproject.eu/projectweb/portalproject/RECONWorkingPapers.html>
2  Holt, Douglas B. How Brands Become Icons. The Principles of Cultural Branding. Boston, Mass.: Harvard Business School Press, 2004, 215
3 Kerckhove, Derrick de. "Communication in Evolution: Social and Technological Transformation". Interview with Derrick de Kerckhove by Álvaro Bermejo. The McLuhan Program in Culture and Technology. University Toronto. 30 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.utoronto.ca/mcluhan/article_communicationevolution.htm>.
4 McLuhan, Marshall. "The Marshall McLuhan Interview". Wired. 4.01 (1996). Aether Archive. 30 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.aether.com/archives/marshall_mcluhan_interview.html>.
5 Cline, Andrew R. "Toward a Field Theory of Journalism". Rhetorica. 30 Jan. 2008
<Http://rhetorica.net/field_theory.htm>.
6 White, Peter R. Telling Media Tales: The News Story as Rhetoric. PhD Thesis May 1998. Department of Linguistics. University of Sydney. Grammatics. 21 March 2008.
<http://www.grammatics.com/appraisal/1_preface_telling-media-tales.doc>
7 Lee, David YW. "Genres, Registers, Text Types, Domains, and Styles: Clarifying the Concepts and Navigation a Path Through BNC Jungle." Language Learning & Technology. Vol. 5, Num. 3. 3. September 2001. Pp. 37-72. 16 March 2008.
<http://llt.msu.edu/vol5num3/pdf/lee.pdf>
8 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
9 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
10 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
11 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
12 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
13 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
14 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
15 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
16 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
17 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
18 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
19 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
20 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
21 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
22 Steingart, Gabor. "The Three Myths of the US Election Campaign". Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan. Spiegel Online International 30 Jan. 2008. Spiegel Online International 31 Jan. 2008
<Http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,531789,00.html>.
23 Broersma, Marcel. "Reporting at the Boundaries of the Public Sphere. Form, Style and Strategy of European Journalism, 1880-2005." University Groningen. 26 March 2008.
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