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JEWS IN GERMANY TODAY - CONTRADICTIONS IN PROGRESS
Frederick Lubich

Hegel's philosophy of history and its dialectics of enlightenment have inspired various schools of thought in their nearly 200 years of reception. Historical reality on the other hand did not always conform to the philosopher's prescribed contradictions and their eventual sublations. However, remarkable refractions of this dialectical model can be found -- this is the thesis of this present essay -- in the much belabored "German-Jewish symbiosis" and its ultimate perversions and inversions in modern German history. In the following, I would like to sketch some of their dialectical manifestations in recent developments of German-Jewish relations.

Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, there is a tremendous growth of interest in the topic of Jews in Germany. However, this interest did not come overnight, rather it was growing since the early 80s. It actually started in 1979 with the German television broadcast of the Hollywood miniseries "Holocaust", which triggered a nationwide debate lasting for months. The 1980s saw several political and cultural events which brought German-Jewish relations into closer focus. Israel's invasion into Lebanon, Faßbinder's scandalous play "Garbage, the City, and Death, the Bitburg Affair, the so- called "Historians' Debate", and finally the Fall of the Berlin Wall.{1} Of course, the growing German-Jewish discourse around these events was by historical necessity overshadowed by the Holocaust, the most heinous event in world history. After this human catastrophe, German-Jewish relations could only be circumscribed as a multiple paradox. The American-Jewish scholar Sander Gilman speaks of post Holocaust Jews in Germany as marked by a "visible invisibility"{2} and the German-Jewish historian Dan Diner defined the relationship between Germans and Jews after 1945 as a "negative symbiosis."{3} The latter concept represents a systematic reversal of the "German-Jewish symbiosis" so optimistically anticipated by the Age of Enlightenment. The contours of these inversions and contradictions shall be traced in two representative areas: first, in exemplary recent literature of young Jewish authors living in present-day Germany; second, in a number of patterns and paradigms underlying German-Jewish history.

In an essay from the early 1990's entitled "What Keeps the Jews in Germany Quiet"{4}, Raffael Seligmann states that more than a thousand books have been written by Jewish authors in postwar Germany, more than 400 of them autobiographical in nature. According to Seligmann, virtually all of these accounts are what he calls "hate-sterile"(173), meaning that they systematically refrain from expressing antagonistic feelings towards Germany and the Germans. Seligmann identifies primarily fear and shame as the main reasons for these emotionally sanitized memoirs. In 1989, Seligmann himself entered the literary stage with his novel Rubinstein's Auction. It is a first full-blown portrayal of Jewish life in post Holocaust Germany, fictionalizing and satirizing the trials and tribulations, frustrations and -- subcutaneous -- fascination with living the "negative symbiosis". One of the most controversial violations of current cultural conventions was Seligmann's aggressive deployment of ethnic stereotypes, lampooning and lambasting both Jews and Germans. In its review of the novel, the Allgemeine Jüdische Wochenzeitung promptly titled Seligmann a "defiler of the nest"{5}. However, in hindsight, Rubinstein's Auction reveals itself as a German-Jewish founding text of the "return of the suppressed", that is, of psychologically and politically suppressed traumas and taboos between Germans and Jews after the Holocaust. With this novel, the ice, the icy silence about the "negative symbiosis" was broken. The German Jew became again visible, audible and even acerbic -- thus ending the stunned "muteness of postwar Germany's Jews"(182) which Seligmann had defined as Hitler's "lasting triumph"(183).

Seligmann is representative of a whole new generation of young Jews living in Germany and/or writing in German, whose parents survived the Holocaust and returned to Germany or chose Germany as their adopted homeland. To mention just the most wellknown ones: Katja Behrens, Maxim Biller, Henryk Broder, Esther Dischereit, Barbara Honigmann, Chaim Noll, Robert Schindel, Richard Schneider, and Michael Wolffsohn.{6} With the exception of Michael Wolffsohn (see below), all of these young German Jewish writers find themselves in an intricate double bind. On the one hand, they want to overcome the German-Jewish fixation on the Holocaust, the defining -- if not final -- experience of modern German Jewry. On the other hand, in their attempts to break the lasting silence of their parents' generation and articulate their pent-up pain, they nolens volens conjure up the Holocaust and become again -- as it were -- hostages of its horrors.

The fictional accounts of female Jewish authors like Dischereit, Behrens, and Honigmann can be characterized as unflinching essays and exercises to reopen the wounds of their scarred biographies in an attempt to clarify, if not cleanse, their deeply muddled emotions. The prevailing mood of these narratives tends toward elegiac depression rather than bitter aggression, as is more the case with their male counterparts. A medium balance is struck in Happy Times, Brittle World, a novel by Robert Menasse, a young Austrian Jew, whose parents returned to Vienna from Sao Paulo, Brasil.{7} It tells the complicated love story of two young Brasilian Jews of Austrian descent, who have returned for their studies to the university of Vienna. As in Rubinstein's Auction, the male protagonist agonizes over his parents' decision, to return to the country of their people's murderers. Menasse's protagonist battles -- although with much less comic relief than Seligmann's -- the same caricatures of an overbearing mother and a wimpy father. In addition, he argues endlessly with his Jewish girlfriend over German-Jewish conflicts, such as the proper attitudes and actions vis à vis present-day neo-Nazi demonstrations in the streets of Vienna. In a sadly comic scene, these arguments foment while he shares a bubble bath with his girlfriend. Their altercations not only spoil their romantic evening, they also mercilessly bare his soul, exposing all the raw nerves of survivors' children.

Probably the most articulate example of the double bind of young Jews in Germany is Maxim Biller's growing literary work. A case in point is his essay "See Auschwitz and Die"{8} -- already the title is a morbid parody of the sentimental German proverb "See Naples and Die". Mixing Seligmann's satirical suada with a sardonic bitterness, Biller chronicles his experiences and emotions during a ten day bus journey to the east -- a grimly packaged sightseeing tour to the very sites of the final solution. Facing them in their gruesome reality, Biller literally reacts with an "in yourface" anger which does not spare his parents "who had been so crazy even after the whole Holocaust shit as to leave Russia, Poland [...] Israel [...] and go to Germany" (211). And Biller's bile certainly does not spare Germany, "the place of forgetting ... [where] they clog your brain with their false remorse and sympathy, with their pathological philo-Semitism and their fucking 'grieving process'"(211). This diatribe does not mince words, it does not even argue logically (a "forgetting" nation certainly can not engage in a "grieving process"). Beyond being illogical, however, these invectives mobilize emotional and psychological energies transforming the complex "defense mechanisms" of their parents into an indiscriminate "mechanism of aggression". Biller's ranting rhetoric also functions as a sort of exorcism of the above described Jewish double bind, by projecting it straight onto the German body politic. Under Biller's curses, Germans in turn become double bound: damned if they do forget and do not mourn, and damned if they do not forget and do mourn. This reductio ad absurdum of German Jewish relations is the ultima ratio of their "negative symbiosis". This damned dialogue is painful for Germans, for us who were born after the Third Reich and -- I am stating the obvious -- it is all the more excruciating for those Jews who survived and are still surviving the Holocaust on a daily basis. Hopefully their literature can help all of us, to face and fathom at least part of the catastrophe, help us to look back in anger and in shame -- in order to be able to look forward.

Heartening and horrible things have happened in Germany since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The changes were probably most pervasive in the cultural sphere. In the early 1990's several successful conferences and exhibitions on German Jewish culture took place, new chairs for Jewish studies were established at universities in Aachen, Berlin and other cities, and a number of German publishing houses, including the prestigious Suhrkamp, have established expanding Judaica programs. Also, during this period tens of thousands of Russian Jews have emigrated to Germany, thus rejuvenating and invigorating the German-Jewish communities. In 1993, a survey by the Salomon Ludwig Steinheim Institute in Duisburg, an institute devoted to the study of Jews in German culture, found that these immigrants were "overwhelmingly content with their choice." {9} At the same time, due to massive immigration from former East Block countries, Germany was rocked by a wave of right wing xenophobia, which culminated in neo-Nazi arson attacks on houses inhabited by Turks in the cities of Mölln and Solingen in which eight people died. In protest against these vicious crimes, millions of Germans staged candlelight marches in many major cities including Berlin, Frankfurt, Munich and Dresden. How do we strike a balance concerning these growing dichotomies between good and evil in united Germany? How do we weigh the fire bombs of a mad minority versus the candle lights of millions, the rabble rousing of a crazy few versus the popular calls on Ignatz Bubis, the chair of the Central Council of German Jews, to run for President of Germany?

Instead of evaluating, let alone reconciliating these contradictions, I would like to pursue their further ramifications, to explore some of their underlying paradoxical patterns. The first one under consideration could be called: "masochism in reverse". Sander Gilman's psychoanalytical take on recent Jewish writing in Germany extrapolates from its psychopolitics a common masochistic dynamic (40ff). However, Gilman does not further elaborate upon the fact, that the "negative symbiosis" between Germans and Jews after 1945 seems to be increasingly marked by a masochistic mechanism in reverse. Before the Third Reich, German Jewry strove to assimilate with a determination which at times amounted to a veritable masochistic self-hatred -- a Jewish self-hatred eager to be transformed into a proud German identity.{10} Conversely, after the Third Reich, German reactions to the Holocaust gained -- especially after 1989 -- an emotional momentum, which has frequently been described, by Jews and Germans alike, as masochistically overdetermined. This thoroughly German "labor of mourning", whether honest or hypocritical, healthy or pathological, is it not a manifest inversion of the latently masochistic identity of German Jewry before the Third Reich? And thus another facet in the "negative symbiosis" between Germans and Jews?

The second pattern of paradox could be called a Jewish love-hatred relationship with Germany. Underneath the expressed anger of younger Jewish writers in Germany one can also detect in some authors a certain degree of affection for Germany, especially for German culture. For example Chaim Noll: The son of prominent Jewish party functionaries in the former GDR, he draws in his rebellious adolescence inspiration from the work of Heinrich Heine, the German-Jewish poet par excellence, as well as from Thomas Mann's "Tonio Kröger", the most famous young hero of this proto-German author. This Jewish attraction to the German language and literature -- once a major matrix of the "German-Jewish symbiosis" -- becomes even more explicit in essentially non-German Jews, who are living in Germany and/or writing in German. For example Thomas Feibel, a young Chilean-born author, now living in Germany and writing in German, who describes his youthful interest and ambitions as follows: "I liked the German language, and German literature even more. I wanted to write."{11}  Or the much older Hungarian-born George Tabori, a onetime emigrant to England and America; he still writes in English but has been working in the German speaking world for decades as a highly successful playwright and stage director. He muses about the German vernacular: "I love this language, those beautiful sighs and that dry croaking ... the daily, uncultivated palaver just as much as the murmuring of springs in 'The Magic Mountain', or Kafka's and Heine's moaning on their death beds."{12} These linguistic love declarations are reminiscent of Elias Canetti, the multi-lingual German-Jewish Nobel Laureate of literature who wrote that during his years in exile in London it was the language of Goethe which helped him survive.

The most surprising avowal of affection, if not passion, for all things German, certainly comes from Michael Wolffsohn, the son of Israel-born German-Jewish parents. A widely published professor of modern history at the University of the German Armed Forces in Munich, Wolffsohn figures also as Germany's most prominent German-Jewish patriot. In his essay "Plea for an Inwardly Directed German Nationalism" in Susan Stern's recent anthology Speaking Out -- Jewish Voices from United Germany (1995), Wolffsohn writes: "My national feelings [...] were stronger in relations to Germany than they were to Israel [...] I had stronger vibrations when I came to Germany and the Germans [...] Without the weekly irritations of 'Der Spiegel' the irritation was only half as irritating. Without the dry humor of the Schaubühne, theater was not really theater. And even the Israel Philharmonic orchestra, as good as it was, could not take the place of the Berlin Philharmonic [...] Germany was my native soil, my nature - my nation"(128). This Jewish allegiance to German culture certainly represents the most emphatic and virtually extinct version of a once strong German-Jewish identity. Incidentally, it also doubles as an ironic contravention of the Nazi nonsense that so-called Jewish "Asphaltliteraten" have no roots in German "blood and soil". In this context of contravention, it is also noteworthy, that it is Marcel Reich-Ranicki, a Polish Jew, who became the ultimate arbiter of contemporary literary culture in the Federal Republic of Germany.

The unification of Germany triggered new-old anxieties, especially in the international Jewish community. Not surprisingly, it is again Michael Wolffsohn, who is the most optimistic about the future of his country: "Germany is healthy at heart"(131) he proclaims and proposes to help his country find its sense of national identity: "If there is anything which I as an individual can contribute to a community, my community, my nation, it would be this constant plea for an inner sense of nationalism among the Germans"(129). This model -- if not mission -- for mediation has actually been a very Jewish one especially in pre-Holocaust German history. Thomas Mann profiled it in Saul Fitelberg, the Jewish impresario in his novel Doktor Faustus, who offers to mediate the work of the German composer Adrian Leverkühn to the world. It is, however, a rather strange portrait, undoubtedly well-meant by the author, but badly marred by some of the anti-semitic stereotypes of its troubled times.

Fitelberg's and Wolffsohn's missions of mediation, be they cultural or psychological, have an ideological counterpart which complements and subverts their endeavors in a highly ironic manner: the espionage activities of Markus Wolf. The son of Friedrich Wolf, the well-known Jewish playwright and social critic of the Weimar Republic, Markus Wolf was the charismatic master mind of the former East German intelligence service. In this (in)famous role, he stands as a quintessential -- if not quixotic -- paragon of his country's quest and inquisition to secure a politically correct East German identity. In addition, Wolf's intelligence activities double as a continuing commentary on the legacy of Weimar's intelligentsia which Peter Gay had so perspicuously labeled "The Outsider as Insider".{13} In his almost thirty years of service, Markus Wolf had become the ultimate "insider" of Germany's Cold War against itself. For many years, he remained East Berlin's best kept secret, which in turn made him the most prominent phantom of East-West politics: the "Invisible Jew"(Gilman) on center stage, only now fully revealing himself with an autobiography with the telling title Man without a face.

Diametrically opposed in their ideology, Michael Wolffsohn and Markus Wolf stand united -- like a Jewish Janus -- in their mission and idealism for a better East/West Germany. However, no one articulated and experienced the contradictions and commonalities of Wolffsohn and Wolf more immediately than the premier poet of divided Germany: Wolf Biermann. (Sigmund Freud would have a field-day with the return of these Jewish Wolfs into the German world.) A self-declared "Half Jew-brat, half goy"{14} who spent most of his adult life torn and trapped between East and West Germany, Biermann's biography is a living testimony to the many double binds and multiple splits of the German-Jewish symbiosis.

Capitalism vs. communism, this century-long crusade of modernity, so religiously fought around the globe, found its central battleground in East and West Germany. To rebuild the East's ruined economy and wretched ecology, it takes -- Marx would agree -- Western capital and joint ventures on a multinational scale. In other words, united Germany needs exactly that what Nazi-Germany discredited, demonized, and eventually destroyed: the network of Jewish bankers with international connections. Igor Reichlin, a Jewish-American journalist, born and raised in Russia, but now living in Frankfurt, the financial center of Germany, running the German branch of an international financial news agency, writes: "Even though the German economy today is highly export-oriented, it is still largely parochial and disinclined to innovate [...] Lamenting the absence of innovation and internationalism within German banking, a top German banker points out, that in London and New York, many successful investment bankers are Jewish. 'We need Jews, too' the German banker says."{15} To frame his plea polemically: this rallying cry from today's German world of finance, doesn't it sound like a faded and twisted echo of Germany's former rallying cry "The Jews are our (mis)fortune"? Just forget the "mis"! -- Frankfurt: Nuremberg ex negativo?!

The course of history might have been changed by the contradictions of classes, but it has also been charted by the dialectics of culture. The positive and negative symbiosis between Jews and Germans is a powerful case in point. Not coincidentally, Jewish intermediacy in modern German history reverberates with ancient mythology. It was Nazi propaganda and its myth forging which established the missing link between ancient Jewry and modern Germany. Scholarship on fascist ideology has repeatedly pointed out that its Führer phantasies were modeled on the laws and legends of Moses and his "Chosen People."{16} In Hitler's demagogic scheme of things, that is, according to his divine providence, the "final solution" was to replace the Jewish people with the German people as the "Chosen One" for the millennial kingdom to come. This German-Jewish trajectory gives the presentday notion of a "negative symbiosis" a truly chiliastic dimension. In this fascist conceit, Jews and Germans have in deed become their mutual, mythic-modern "Other".

It is in keeping with this spectral meta-narrative and its gothic doppelgänger motif, that Jews in Germany, even after the Holocaust, figure -- beyond being mediators -- as political monitors, watching over a divided and reunited Germany. Thomas Feibel writes: "We kept a sharp eye on German life around us"(138). Seligmann expresses it even more explicitly: "We have an important function in German society -- to sound the alarm whenever there is a need to make people aware of danger at hand."{17} This monitoring of Germany finds it human hyperbole -- of course -- in Markus Wolf. His clandestine career is the ultimate "inside" joke in the deeply ironic tragedy of modern German-Jewish history.

The Jew watching the German, this reversal of power and surveillance is a Foucaultian case history of paradigmatic proportions. According to Foucault's seminal study Discipline and Punish, The Birth of the Prison, the figure which most accurately represents the structure of the modern articulation of power is Jeremy Bentham's Panoptican: "It allows for the invisible surveillance of a large number of people by a relatively small number."{18} This turning of the tables between Germans and Jews is a modern story which can be retold in a mythic mold. In it, Jahwe's "Chosen People", his "First Witness" so to speak, reveals itself as the ancient keeper of its latter-day (br)other. It is in deed a very biblical brotherhood, in which, however, Cain and Abel have traded places. Whereas once the Jews were identified with the congenital mark of Cain, it is now the Germans who bear Cains ancient stigma -- like no other nation on earth. With the magnitude of their murderous crimes, the Germans will continue to haunt the popular imagination as the "Eternal Nazi", thus taking over and carrying on the millennia-old burden of bias against the "Eternal Jew".

Over the last decades Germany has labored, arguably unlike any other nation, to come to terms with its horrible history. A telling example is its recent reception of Daniel Goldhagen's controversial study Hitler's Willing Executioners. Its central thesis argues that centuries of German history are uniquely marked by an "eliminationist" and "exterminationist" anti-semitism which was bound to lead with inexorable consequence to Hitler's Holocaust. According to the author, this national project involved many more ordinary Germans as had been generally assumed. Whereas the study's research methods and ultimate message met with severe criticism from internationally renowned historians, the actual messenger was -- against all expectations -- embraced and celebrated by thousands of younger Germans on his lecture and discussion tour through Germany in the fall of 1996. However their interest in him and his work was not primarily academic and critical, but rather affective and cathartic. The prodigal son of a concentration camp survivor, Goldhagen had become the ideal projection figure to whom a younger generation of Germans could reach out -- over the abyss of the Holocaust -- and publicly express their collective complex of conflicted emotions, ranging from unacknowledged feelings of shame and mourning to an open yearning for expiation and final reconciliation. Thus, in its continuing national quest to come to terms with its past, the country of the Holocaust has become -- to twist the paradox one more time -- a "model for other nations." These were the words of Daniel Goldhagen upon receiving the democracy award from the Federal Republic of Germany in March 1997 for his scholarly and political service to this country.{19} Goldhagen's mixed blessings, which turn his book's sweeping accusations of a whole nation into a prospect of national absolution, are certainly consonant with the continuing contradictions of German-Jewish history.

"Skeptical optimism" is the watchword whose paradox probably characterizes most succinctly the growing discourse of Jewish voices from United Germany. It even captures the essence of Raffael Seligmann and Henryk Broder, unquestionably two of the most critical observers of Germany. After everything German is thoroughly satirized and ostracized, Henryk Broder, who divides his time between Germany and Israel, concludes: "There is probably no second country in the free world where one as a Jew could lead a better life than in the Federal Republic."{20} And Seligmann sums up his most recent deliberations in Speaking Out -- Jewish Voices From United Germany: "The present Federal Republic is the most democratic, free, humane and socially just state in German history. It is worth preserving and defending" (181). These assurances are good news, but they come with a high indemnity, a lasting national legacy. Only if we continue to remember our past, the darkest decade of human despair --, only then can these statements represent and reflect a growing ray of hope.

Notes

{1} For a more detailed account of this sequence of events see Zipes, 17-18.

{2}Sander Gilman, Jews in Today's German Culture (Bloomington: Indiana Press, 1995) 40.

{3}Dan Diner, "Negative Symbiose: Deutsche und Juden nach Auschwitz." In Babylon 1, (1986) 9-20.

{4}Sander L. Gilman, Karen Remmler, Reemerging Jewish Culture in Germany - Life and Literature Since 1989, (New York: New York University Press, 1994), 173-183. All subsequent page references to specific texts are given in parenthesis after the quote.

{5}Gilman/Remmler 179.

{6}For a representative cross-section see Lappin and Stern.

{7}Elena Lappin (ed.), Jewish Voices, German Words -- Growing Up Jewish in Postwar Germany and Austria, translation by Krishna Winston (North Haven: Catbird Press, 1994) 113-135.

{8}Lappin 210-225.

{9}Gilman 25

{10} For an in-depth study of Jewish self-hatred see Gilman's Jewish Self-Hatred.

{11}"Gefilte Fish and Pepsi: A Childhood in Enemy Territory", in Lappin 136-146, here 142.

{12}Quoted in Jack Zipes, "The Contemporary German Fascination for Things Jewish: Toward a Minor Jewish Culture", in Gilman/Remmler 34.

{13}Peter Gay, Weimar Culture -- The Outsider as Insider, (New York: Harper, 1970)

{14}Wolf Biermann, "Jewish Identity -- An East German Dimension" in Lappin, 102-115, here 103.

{15}Igor Reichlin, "Making a Living - Jews in German Economic Life", in Lappin 219-231, here 227.

{16}For a recent case study of the many parallels and inversions between Moses' Jews and Hitler's Germans see Frederick A. Lubich, "'Fascinating Fascism': Thomas Manns 'Das Gesetz' und seine Selbst-de-Montage als Moses-Hitler", German Studies Review 14, No.3 (1991), 553-573.

{17}"German Jewry Squawking at the Approach of Danger", in Stern 165  (165-181) 181, here 180.

{18}John Lechte, Fifty Key Contemporary Thinkers, (London, New York: Routledge, 1994) 114.

{19}Deutschland Nachrichten, March 14, 1997, 6.

{20}"Wie können Juden in Deutschland leben?" Quoted in Katharina Ochse, "'What Could be More Fruitful, More Healing, More Purifying' Representations of Jews in the German Media after 1989", in Gilman/Remmler 113-129, here 129.

Works Cited

Biermann, Wolf. "Jewish Identity -- An East German Dimension." Lappin, 102-115.

Biller, Maxim. "See Auschwitz and Die." Lappin, 210-225. Deutschland Nachrichten, March 14, 1997.

Diner, Dan. "Negative Symbiose: Deutsche und Juden nach Auschwitz." Babylon 1, 1986, 9-20.

Feibel, Thomas. "Gefilte Fish and Pepsi: A Childhood in Enemy Territory." Lappin, 136-146.

Gay, Peter. Weimar Culture -- The Outsider as Insider. New York: Harper, 1970.

Gilman, Sander. Jewish Self-Hatred: Anti-Semitism and the Hidden Language of the Jew. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.

Gilman, Sander. Jews in Today's German Culture. Bloomington: Indiana Press, 1995.

Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah. Hitler's Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust. New York: Knopf, 1996.

Gilman Sander, Karen Remmler (eds.) Reemerging Jewish Culture in Germany -- Life and Literature Since 1989. New York: New York University Press, 1994.

Lappin, Elena (ed.). Jewish Voices, German Words -- Growing Up Jewish in Postwar Germany and Austria. North Haven: Catbird Press, 1994 (translation by Krishna Winston).

Lechte, John. Fifty Key Contemporary Thinkers. London, New York: Routledge, 1994.

Lubich, Frederick A. "'Fascinating Fascism': Thomas Manns 'Das Gesetz' und seine Selbst-de-Montage als Moses-Hitler." German Studies Review 14, No.3 (1991), 553-573.

Menasse, Robert. "Happy Times, Brittle World". Gilman/Remmler, 113-135.

Ochse, Katharina. "'What Could Be More Fruitful, More Healing, More Purifying?' Representations of Jews in the German Media after 1989." Gilman/Remmler, 113-129.

Reichlin, Igor. "Making a Living -- Jews in German Economic Life." Lappin, 219-231.

Seligmann, Rafael. "What Keeps the Jews in Germany Quiet?" Gilman/Remmler, 173-183.
------------------. "German Jewry Squawking at the Approach of Danger." Stern, 165-181.

Stern, Susan (ed.) Speaking Out -- Jewish Voices From United Germany. Chicago, Berlin, Tokyo, Moscow: edition q, 1995.

Wolf, Markus with Anne McElvoy. Man without a face: The Autobiography of Communism's Greatest Spymaster. New York: Times Books, 1997.

Wolffsohn, Michael. "Plea for an Inwardly Directed German Nationalism." Stern, 126-137.

Zipes, Jack. "The Contemporary German Fascination for Things Jewish: Toward a Minor Jewish Culture." Gilman/Remmler, 15-45.